The Commons, Class Recomposition and Strategy

^[1]This piece was first published in December 2014 (in our Commons) and later in the Winter 2015 (3rd) issue of the Startup Journal (Starter Journal). Revising the article is one of the most important … Continue reading

The Commons, Class Recomposition and Strategy

On the 13th May 2014 an explosion took place in a mine operated by the Soma Coal Mining Company in the Soma district of Manisa, which cost the lives of 301 miners. This disaster became the largest corporate homicide in Turkey, and brought the notion of corporate homicides to the public at large. In the very same days a modest yet important discussion sprung up in anti-capitalist political circles. ^[2]The discussion started with a piece written by Ümit Akçay and Bert Azizoğlu: http://baslangicdergi.org/kamulastirma-mi-kamusallastirma-mi-umitakcay-bert-azizoglu. For subsequent pieces cf. Stefo … Continue reading The element which made this significant discussion was that it brought up the issue of “revolutionary strategy” once more, after a very long interval, and perhaps so explicitly for the very first time. No doubt the revolutionary strategy – whether referred to as such or not – has been a topic of discussion for that particularly during the rise of anti-capitalist movements, and is by definition dominated by conjectural tendencies. In the 1990s, the United Nations and the United Nations have been working together to formulate a new framework for the global community. I am looking for a solution to this problem. backed by all the experience accumulated in the previous period. In this regard, I would like to express my gratitude to the members of the board of directors for their discussions, questions and regards to the spirit of the era.We may in fact, argue that these questions are an inherent and inseparable part of the critiques of neoliberalism and strategic tendencies of post-’68 social and political movements. This piece builds upon the strategy discussions by placing common principles, which are critical in the current global movements, in a relational framework with the recomposition of the working class.

The Return of Strategy

It is important to note that this is the only way for the capital to accumulate in the capital accumulation in Turkey. Akçay and Azizoglu have argued that the demand for nationalization / de-privatization remained inadequate in preventing corporate murders within the context of current market relations, and suggested notions of commonality in its stead. The steel is held in the energy sector, which is due to the reversion of the state-run enterprises. Yildirim took a similar stance by claiming that the notion of public-orientedness must be promoted as the principal element of any leftist political program.Yet he also underlined the fact that neoliberalism has been rendered in the relations between the private sector and the state, which is quite ambiguous, and thus the emphasized difference between the truly public-oriented “for the people” as opposed to “for capital”. Benlisoy, on the other hand, enlarged the scope of the discussion and regards to work safety and proposed the de-privatization of mines and businesses within the energy sector in general as a “transitional demand” at large. finally, commoning , and that their intention was to open up for discussion the possibilities and limitations of a politics built upon this premise.

This rough summary has no doubt left out many nuances. The true nature of this discussion is voiced within it. Above and before anything else, the fact is that the strategy has re-entered the vocabulary of social opposition movements. This is the first time that we have been able to develop a framework for the development of a dual-core concept, which is based on the concept of “2010S.

The main thesis is the following: The global political topography of our time is being reshaped through uprisings that exhibit a global momentum and share the same moment – although they are independent of the specific social and political contexts of which they are emerge. This reshaping of the political topography has not yet, however, given rise to the possibility of entirely rebuilding the political sphere as a whole. ^[3]In this vein, the disappointment caused by Syriza in Greece and the Podemos experience in Spain, as well as the wave of violence triggered by the historic victory achieved by the HDP in Turkey when … Continue reading

This asymmetry between the different levels of the political landscape must be linked to the “utter defeat” caused by neoliberalism, which has changed the nature and composition of the working class. In fact, even though they propose diametrically opposed modes of intervention, the analysis of neoliberalism by the movements that characterize the radical social opposition today results in the reproduction of binaries such as the market. the state, micro, etc. macro or political vs. everyday. It is possible to say that there is a relationship between the political and socialist parties.

Neoliberalism and Three Answers

Below we provide a brief summary of the main perspectives, which shape the theoretical and practical repertory of the social opposition and influence the anti-neoliberalism movement. The common approach is that we will discuss these three – although there are certain common aspects, and we believe this approach forms the basis of a fourth wave that includes the disruptive kernels of a global anti-capitalist movement.

The first wave, which shapes one of the main arteries of the leftist politics, is the global north and the south, sees neoliberalism as a package of economic policies that aim to dismantle the structure and practices of the welfare state of the past, functioning for the benefits of capital and naturally to the detriment of workers. The United States and the United States are the only countries in the world that have the potential to become the world’s most populous nation. forwarder. This assessment has been made in the emergence of a localist-nationalist vision of labor in certain countries that are opting for an import-substitution strategy for their past. Yet what is more important is that the present state of the narrative.According to this, the public institutions that withdraw from the field of production and reproduction are increasingly dominated by the narrow interests of fractions involved in the global commerce and finance networks. This kind of move is considered a remedy for the working class movement to regain its lost power. “This is the first time I’ve heard about the past two years, and I think it’s time for the future.”.

The second wave, represented mostly by followers of the social democrat parties of the past, has gravitated towards leftist liberalism today, attributes the state more of a regulatory role than an interventionist one. While there is a growing interest in taxation and taxation, it is important to note that the taxation of taxation and taxation is not the only way to prevent taxation. capitalism in check. For instance, despite suffering serious blows in the face of the onslaught mounted on a global scale by capital following the latest economic crisis, The vision is that of a European Union that prioritizes employment and social assistance and is molded by leftist values ​​or is at least more open to them. We have recently witnessed the entry of concepts and demands into the city, the commons or participatory / grassroots democracy (which undergone much transformation) into the political vocabulary of this position, which invites the state back to the stage around some kind of neo-Keynesian economic policy…

It is important to note that there is no evidence that the anti-capitalist movement of the United Nations has been affected by the movement of anti-capitalist movement. the relationship between the market and the state in terms of intervention or regulation; rather, it constructs its own political practice “outside” all of these. Aiming to push back capital to increase its influential capacity both in geographic and social terms at this stage of neoliberalism, this third position deems its strategic priorities in the process of objectification by way of engaging in everyday practices in capitalist market relations are not all-pervasive. This is the strategic approach that is used to create metamorphoses such as cracks or hair line fractures, and the main element is the finding or constructing “heterotopias” – ie places where alternative techniques may flourish and accumulate in the face of a capitalism, evolving towards a more ubiquitous and liquefied architecture. This wave may therefore be summarized most succinctly by the slogan “to change the world without taking power”. It is on the other hand that there are political power relations that materialize within the state outside the scope of social struggle. and its main element is finding or constructing “heterotopias” – ie places where alternative methods may flourish and accumulate – in the face of a capitalism, which evolving towards a more ubiquitous and liquefied architecture. This wave may therefore be summarized most succinctly by the slogan “to change the world without taking power”. It is on the other hand that there are political power relations that materialize within the state outside the scope of social struggle. and its main element is finding or constructing “heterotopias” – ie places where alternative methods may flourish and accumulate – in the face of a capitalism, which evolving towards a more ubiquitous and liquefied architecture. This wave may therefore be summarized most succinctly by the slogan “to change the world without taking power”. It is on the other hand that there are political power relations that materialize within the state outside the scope of social struggle. This wave may therefore be summarized most succinctly by the slogan “to change the world without taking power”. It is on the other hand that there are political power relations that materialize within the state outside the scope of social struggle. This wave may therefore be summarized most succinctly by the slogan “to change the world without taking power”. It is on the other hand that there are political power relations that materialize within the state outside the scope of social struggle.

The first two of these perspectives are the propositions that contain the re-inviting state of the interventionist or regulatory manner. relationships between the state and capital are taken in the neoliberal period. It is a fact that the state is summarized here with reference to the welfare state model forgotting that the model itself is a compromise that was achieved in a certain time and in a direct result of the mass force and influence achieved by class struggle.

On the other hand, the search for alternative practices and places as shaped by this third perspective can not, by definition, encompass all the geographic regions of the capitalism – as in, the entire globe today. Moreover, it also does not appear to be quite possible for the social and political excellence of the state and capital to fully meet on a social and political level with those exemption. For this reason, the “problematic of the subject”, which is often loosely conceptualized, returns – albeit in different forms. In short, it may be argued that this kind of strategic proposition results in practices that absolutize emancipatory practices on the everyday level and render the complete transformation of the political sphere secondary, at best.

“Utter Defeat” and Reconstruction

It is our opinion that some of these propositions are related to the social and the social and the bottom-up, everyday and the sphere of politics. The eventual result is that the anti-neoliberal movement is either becoming a widespread or popularized.

It is our opinion that neoliberalism, on the other hand, is a generic package of policies where states take over an intermediary role for the sole purpose of generating more profit for companies. Neoliberalism must be understood as an amalgam of strategies that works systematically to degrade the networks of socialization and reduce political capacities, which oppressed groups and classes as direct or indirect consequences of their struggles. of production and reproduction in the favor of capital. In other words, the main principle of neoliberalism is directly linking the political capacities of oppressed and subjugated social classes to the dynamics of capital accumulation.

Let us quote Ahmet Bekmen at length, as he makes a similar emphasis:

”Class consciousness does not just suddenly descend upon one from above. There are material conditions that give rise to it. The working class, which may be considered relatively unified both in terms of living spaces and work places, and whose social and economic relations are mostly concentrated in well-defined spaces (from neighbors solidarity associations to workers’ unions) class consciousness. What neoliberal capitalism has been attempted is that it is tearing apart, and thus the potential for the working class to be truly a class and act as one. This is the direct impact of many policies such as’ breaking ‘workers’ unions (scattering economic organizations), urban transformation projects (dismantling the unity of life and space, (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), (6) and (7) are the workings of the working class and the society at large. All of these consequences in obliterating the capacity of the working class as a class, that is, the central element of its political capacity itself. One of the important factors distinguishing neoliberal authoritarianism from other oppressive regimes such as fascism is that there is always a possibility of resorting to oppressive measures in reserve, its essential method is making the decapacitation of the working class a part of the process of capital accumulation . ‘ and precarization (obscuring ties among the working class itself and between it and society at large). All of these consequences in obliterating the capacity of the working class as a class, that is, the central element of its political capacity itself. One of the important factors distinguishing neoliberal authoritarianism from other oppressive regimes such as fascism is that there is always a possibility of resorting to oppressive measures in reserve, its essential method is making the decapacitation of the working class a part of the process of capital accumulation . ‘ and precarization (obscuring ties among the working class itself and between it and society at large). All of these consequences in obliterating the capacity of the working class as a class, that is, the central element of its political capacity itself. One of the important factors distinguishing neoliberal authoritarianism from other oppressive regimes such as fascism is that there is always a possibility of resorting to oppressive measures in reserve, its essential method is making the decapacitation of the working class a part of the process of capital accumulation. ‘^[4]Ahmet Bekmen, https://web.archive.org/web/20151212074025/https://www.antikapitalisteylem.org

This loss of power has been experienced as a many-layered and calcified powerlessness and loss of self-esteem in a manner that is not necessarily limited to the level of political representation. It has been achieved by way of strategic interventions in the state and by capital, where relations between class, gender and ethnicity intersect and articulate with each other in specific and unique ways in different situations. Looking back now, it is possible to see that the destruction wrought by this class war is waged from the underlies of the recollections of the neoliberal period as one of “utter defeat”.

We are evaluating this destruction as a merely quantitative phenomenon – that is, a relative and temporary decline in the working class movement – would be misleading. In this sense, we have to take a closer look at the distinction and emphasized by Flavio C. and speak of “the end of the workers movement” as we knew it in the 20hcentury rather than “a crisis in the workers movement”. ^[5]Flavio C., http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article2949. It is not necessary to mention that this emphasis is quite different from the end-of-the-century precession of the extinction of the material existence of the working class as a social and political phenomenon.20h- have looked to the end of the 19th century, which is the movement of the entire world. the institutions and solidarity networks of the working class, that is, its material and cultural unity in order to formulate their analyzes and projections; and now these networks and institutions have been disintegrated, this material and cultural unity dissolved. This is what we make of the utter defeat caused by neoliberalism.

“We are talking about the” white-collar “workers, mostly grouped in a vague ‘middle-class’ category and mainly working in the service sector. Transformations in this sphere, which covers a wide array of tasks from teachers, doctors, and engineers, is designed to work in a flexible, whole. This is the first time in the history of the United States that the United States and the United States have made a Significant Contribution to the development of the United States, especially the signing of the It is not uncommon to find a solution to the problems of organizing in this respect, but it is not possible to do so,which is being attempted by certainty.movements in the past decade in Europe.

Commoning and Self-empowerment

It is not surprising that the political and economic development of the United States and its neighbors in the United States has been a turning point in the past. . Yet we believe that this can not be achieved through a re-strengthening of economic and political institutions whose meaning and function is radically changed by the resurrecting public-oriented / statist demands. This claim does not mean a complete disregard of working class institutions passed down from former times – such as unions. Instead, what we hope to highlight is the necessity to reconstruct the meanings and functions of these institutions.

The need to carry out a strategy discussion with an eye for the process of class recomposition is proof of the social and political importance of the proposition of commoning. The path to constructing the political subject is through the creation of new concrete spaces and practices for solidarity among the oppressed and subjugated, as well as strengthening and augmenting already existing ones. In this sense, the gray zone lies between the macro and micro, which resembles a “minefield” according to Akçay and Azizoglu, must be the focal point of any strategy discussion. For example, there is a large-scale public-oriented / populist movement in the United States,and other forms of relationality between these two levels. In addition, there are two types of relationality between the two. Again according to Akçay and Azizoglu, we should not let the risk of ending up fixing defective aspects of the system taken to attempt to create the “in-between” space make us timid and bog us down. For the first time, there is a growing body of research and development in the field of autonomous and self-governing practices. In this sense, we must also begin contemplating other areas, along with sectors that carry a certain amount of urgency, such as mining, energy or construction,

It’s a great place to stay. It’s a great place to stay. It’s a great place to stay. The squat houses, gardens, social centers or soup kitchens. We may add neighborhoods to producers, producers and producers, and cooperatives in the blue and white-collar industries, It is a great place to start. It’s a great place to play. It’s a great place to play. The “institutionalization” of such commoning practices will constitute a reversal of the political effects of fragmentation in the field of production, It is important to note that there is a significant amount of transitivity between these two fields. This is the first time that we have been involved in the development of the Thompson-sharing common experiences in the field of production and that of reproduction. The reconstruction of the lost public presence of workers through new means – aka the creation of counter-publics – is an inherent part of rebuilding the political capacity of the working class.

We believe that the proposition is common to two distinctive components: self-empowerment and uncovering utopian moments or stops. Self-empowerment may be defined as the collective empowerment brought about by the practice of the sense of fragmentation and powerlessness caused by neoliberalism and create commonalities between different personal experiences. It is not surprising, however, that there is a growing need for social movements to take place in the future. This kind of approach will also transform relations of solidarity among resistance movements from mere “sympathetic feelings”

We also find that it is important to point out concrete utopian moments / stops to be created by the establishment and rendering of networks of these related to self-empowerment. It is not surprising to see that there is no such thing as an anti-capitalist socialism, and that it is not the same as it is in the past. existence. As Özgür Narin states in his articles on experiences of workers’ self-rule in Turkey, “although taking down the bosses one by one, achieved by such practices of self-rule”.^[6]Free slight, http://mustereklerimiz.org/turkiye-isci-sinifi-tarihinde-isci-ozyonetim-deneyimleri-ve-kriz-donemlerinde-ozyonetimin-olanaklari. This achievement is a concrete expression of the reversal of what we have termed the loss of collective capacity.

It is important to note that there are two main types of social opposition in the United States, including the United States, the United States, and the United States. already exist and bring them in with each other. It is the disadvantage of the common spaces, the social and cultural separations and the loss of the public body caused by the contracting, the precarious and flexible employment regimes and spatial interventions creates similarities between our days and the working class in the 19th century. Let us remember that social relations predating and enabling the class organizations of that period were built in cafes, shared kitchens, through forms of solidarity based on mutual benefit and workmen’s clubs.The kernel of organizations that will create the political subject of our day also rests on the institutionalization and multiplication of common practices. The political subject will gain its form and content to the extent that it can reconstruct the lost networks of solidarity and recreate lost unities in a creative and disruptive manner.

Begüm Özden Fırat, Fırat Genç

Translated from Turkish by Feride Eralp